Who is dominican republics president 2017




















Press Releases Speeches Email subscriptions. Videos Photos Live Webcast. Social Media Facebook Twitter Newsletters. Calendar of Conferences in Headquarters. Find these documents from here.

Reports covering may be found here. Approximately six weeks after the end of each semester, the OAS publishes a Semiannual Management and Performance Report, which since includes reporting on programmatic results. The full texts may be found here. The OAS executes a variety of projects funded by donors.

Evaluation reports are commissioned by donors. Reports of these evaluations may be found here. The Inspector General provides the Secretary General with reports on the audits, investigations, and inspections conducted. These reports are made available to the Permanent Council. More information may be found here. The DR ranks out of in the Transparency International index on corruption.

According to the World Economic Forum, corruption is the most problematic factor for doing business in the country. The Dominican government is a machine of dispensing favors and political patronage to supporters.

The Ministry of Agriculture has 37 vice ministers, Public Health has Each vice minister enjoys a nice salary plus benefits such as a discretionary credit card, travel expenses, car with a chauffeur, staff, etc. The Dominican Foreign Service boasts ambassadors and 1, diplomats despite having representation in only 54 countries and 6 international organisms.

No strongman appears in the Dominican horizon, though. Live Now. Cato at Liberty. Blog Home RSS. The third active head of state who appears in the documents obtained by the ICIJ is Guillermo Lasso, a conservative millionaire and former banker who was voted president of Ecuador last year. According to the documents and the investigation carried out by local media site El Universo , Lasso ended up operating through 14 offshore companies, most of them in Panama, closing them only after former left-wing Ecuadorian president Rafael Correa promoted a law banning candidates from being the beneficial owners of companies located in tax havens.

In his defense, Lasso claims that he opened these opaque companies because national legislation prevents bankers from investing in his country. He also claims that 10 of these companies are already inactive; he denies any relationship with or profit from the other four. Lasso was a client of Trident Trust, one of the largest providers of offshore entities in the world.

A significant number of the Chavista hierarchy are among the beneficiaries of this scheme, according to Armando.

Neither disclosed their offshore activities to the public before assuming positions involving decisions on these types of investments. This possible conflict of interest is particularly pertinent in the case of the economy minister who has pushed through a tax reform to reduce the pressure on private money in tax havens. Guedes, 72, is listed as a shareholder in Dreadnoughts International Group, a company registered in the British Virgin Islands.

It is what is known in financial jargon as a shelf company: firms that are opened in tax havens but can remain inactive for years, waiting for someone to give them a purpose.

The stated purpose of the companies was to invest in financial assets from Santander Private Bank, as a member of its executive board.

Colombia is another Latin American country where a lack of transparency in the financial dealings of the political elite has been particularly extensive. Both men, who retain significant political influence, resorted to these obscure corporate vehicles once they had left power. All three used tax havens to create corporate vehicles through which to operate internationally. Larrea went so far as to open nine companies in the British Virgin Islands between and through which he managed the acquisition of luxury real estate in the US, leaving scarcely a trace.



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